1921, November 26th, Saturday.
The faint but precious "crack of light" reported from Ankara had infused Sultan Murad VII's beleaguered government with a renewed, albeit intensely cautious, sense of purpose. The victory in the Port Authority crisis, though still needing its formal seal, had provided a vital boost in morale and a trickle of desperately needed revenue. Now, on this brisk Saturday, Murad's primary focus was on nurturing that fragile Anatolian connection while simultaneously forging the "cords of steel" – a stronger military, a more stable economy, and a more secure internal administration – that would be essential for any future progress.
The most delicate task of the morning was crafting the second message to Hacı Shukri Efendi in Ankara, the respected teacher who had agreed to act as an intermediary. Murad convened Grand Vizier Tevfik Pasha, Kolağası Esad Bey, and, for his spiritual and linguistic wisdom, Sheikh-ul-Islam Nuri Efendi in his private study. "Our first message was a general expression of goodwill and shared concern," Murad began, his gaze intense. "This second communication must build upon that, but with extreme care. We must not appear to be dictating, nor begging. We must convey respect, sincerity, and an unwavering commitment to the welfare of all Ottoman peoples and the integrity of our lands against foreign aggression." Nuri Efendi counseled, "Your Majesty, the language should continue to emphasize our shared Islamic brotherhood and the Quranic imperative for unity in the face of those who seek to divide the Ummah. Perhaps an expression of gratitude for Hacı Shukri Efendi's courage and piety in undertaking this dialogue, and a reiteration that your intentions are solely for the good of the faith and the nation, seeking no personal aggrandizement, only a path to save our people from further suffering and foreign domination." Tevfik Pasha added, "It might also be prudent, Your Majesty, to subtly acknowledge the legitimate grievances that may have led to the current divisions, without, of course, condoning actions taken against the Caliphate's authority. A hint of understanding, of a willingness to listen." Esad Bey, ever the pragmatist, advised, "The message should remain concise, easily memorized, and avoid any specific political proposals at this stage. It should seek to encourage further dialogue, perhaps inquiring if Hacı Shukri Efendi believes there are any other individuals of wisdom and discretion in Ankara with whom a similar, entirely unofficial and exploratory, exchange of views might be beneficial."
Over several hours, the message was meticulously crafted, weighed, and refined. It expressed profound gratitude to Hacı Shukri Efendi. It reiterated Murad's sorrow over the internal strife that only benefited the foreign occupiers. It spoke of his prayers for divine guidance for all sincere Muslims striving to protect their homeland. And it gently posed the question: if Hacı Shukri Efendi, in his wisdom, saw a path for further discreet conversation, perhaps through equally pious and trusted individuals, on how best to serve Allah and the Ummah in these dark times, such an initiative would find a receptive heart in Constantinople. Once finalized, the message was committed to memory by one of Esad Bey's most trusted agents, a man of unremarkable appearance but possessing an eidetic memory and deep, quiet loyalty. He would travel as a simple merchant towards Konya, where Sheikh Saffet Efendi's network would then facilitate his onward, more covert, journey to Ankara to deliver the verbal missive to Hacı Shukri Efendi. The threads of hope were spun with infinite care.
While this delicate diplomatic dance with Anatolia was being prepared, the forging of steel in Constantinople continued apace. Cavit Bey, the Minister of Finance, reported that the first tranche of the "advance payment" from the Port Authority revenues, as stipulated in the tentative agreement with the Allies, had arrived in the Imperial Treasury that morning. "It is a significant sum, Your Majesty," Cavit said, a rare note of satisfaction in his voice, though his eyes still held their characteristic intensity. "Five hundred thousand gold Lira. Not nearly enough to solve all our woes, but a vital infusion. How do you wish it allocated?" Murad addressed his council. "Our priorities are clear. Fevzi Pasha, a substantial portion must go to your Hassa Ordusu – for barracks improvements, for proper winter uniforms which these new funds can now procure, for better rations, for the salaries of the NCOs you are recruiting, and for discreetly acquiring more of those 'unconventional' supplies you spoke of. A strong, loyal military core is non-negotiable." "Cavit Bey," he continued, "a portion must also be used to stabilize the bread price further, and to ensure essential public services – sanitation, hospitals, the city watch – do not collapse entirely. And, critically, we must ensure the civil servants in key ministries receive at least a portion of their long-overdue salaries. Their loyalty and efficiency are also vital." "A challenging balance, Your Majesty," Cavit acknowledged, "but a just one. I will prepare a detailed allocation plan for your approval by tomorrow." He also reported that his intensified campaign against tax evasion, backed by the Hatt-ı Hümayun, was yielding further results. "Several more 'prominent citizens' of Galata have discovered a sudden patriotic urge to settle their outstanding tax liabilities. It seems the fear of public exposure and seizure of assets is a powerful motivator."
Ferik Fevzi Pasha, Minister of War, outlined his accelerated plans for the Hassa Ordusu. "With these new funds, Your Majesty, and the morale boost from the successful arms acquisition and your government's firm stance, I am confident we can expand the Hassa Ordusu to its target strength of five thousand men within two months. I have identified several highly experienced former Ottoman officers, men of proven loyalty and combat skill, who are eager to serve in training and leadership capacities. We are also establishing a more rigorous selection process for new recruits to ensure quality and absolute devotion to your person and the Empire." He also spoke of the need to improve the overall discipline and reliability of the regular Constantinople garrison. "By replacing the most corrupt and incompetent senior officers with younger, more energetic men loyal to your government, and by ensuring the common soldiers are regularly paid and decently fed, we can slowly transform even these neglected units into a more effective force."
Kolağası Esad Bey reported on the continuing efforts of his Imperial Guard Intelligence Directorate. "The surveillance of Damat Ferid Pasha's known associates continues, Your Majesty. The arrest of Mahmud Bey's cell has certainly disrupted their more overt plans for agitation, but they are now resorting to spreading rumors and disinformation through whispering campaigns and by feeding false narratives to certain Allied intelligence contacts who are hostile to your government. We are working to counter this." He confirmed that Arif Efendi, the Port Authority informant, and his family remained secure and well-hidden, though the Allied search for him was relentless. "The reward offered for his capture by 'unknown parties' has now reached a level that might tempt even normally loyal individuals, so we have further enhanced his protection." Esad also mentioned that his directorate was slowly expanding, recruiting a few more carefully vetted agents – men with linguistic skills, experience in observation, and an unquestionable loyalty to Murad. "Building a truly effective intelligence service from scratch, Your Majesty, especially in a city teeming with foreign agents, is a slow and perilous task, but we are making progress."
On the diplomatic front, Reşid Akif Pasha, the Foreign Minister, reported that the final text of the new Port Authority Agreement was being hammered out by the legal teams. "The Allied representatives, particularly the French and Italians, are now clearly anxious to have this matter formally concluded and the scandal laid to rest," he said. "General Harington's British delegates are still attempting to insert minor clauses to save face or limit the scope of the Joint Commission of Inquiry's audit, but they are consistently being overruled or outmaneuvered by their more conciliatory colleagues, who are clearly acting on instructions from their home governments. I anticipate a document ready for signature by Your Majesty and the three High Commissioners early next week, perhaps Tuesday or Wednesday." "Ensure every word is scrutinized, Reşid Akif Pasha," Murad reiterated. "This agreement must be a foundation upon which we can build, not a trap that will ensnare us later."
Murad spent the afternoon reviewing Fevzi Pasha's detailed proposals for the Hassa Ordusu's expansion and officer candidate lists. He also studied Esad Bey's initial, very tentative, intelligence profiles of any known moderate or religiously inclined figures within the Ankara Grand National Assembly – individuals who might, in the distant future, be receptive to Hacı Shukri Efendi's influence or Murad's vision of a unified front against foreign domination. It was a slim file, filled more with uncertainties than facts, a testament to the chasm that still separated Constantinople from Anatolia. He reflected on the immense complexity of his position. He was simultaneously fighting a cold war of diplomacy and intelligence against the Allied occupiers, a battle against internal corruption and potential sedition, a desperate struggle to rebuild his shattered military and economy, and now, embarking on the most delicate and dangerous initiative of all – attempting to bridge the bloody divide with the Ankara nationalists. Each thread was fragile, each step fraught with peril. Yet, for the first time, Murad felt a coherent strategy emerging, a sense that these disparate efforts were beginning to weave together into a larger tapestry of Ottoman revival. The threads of hope from Anatolia were almost invisible, yet potentially the strongest of all. The cords of steel being forged in Constantinople – the loyal army, the recovering treasury, the vigilant intelligence service – were the necessary means to protect that hope and give it time to grow.
As Saturday drew to a close, the second message to Hacı Shukri Efendi was on its way, carried by another anonymous patriot into the deepening Anatolian winter. The Port Authority agreement was nearing its formal conclusion. The sinews of a new Ottoman state were slowly, painstakingly, being re-knit. The path ahead remained shrouded in danger, but Murad, the young Sultan with an ancient soul, faced it with a growing, if heavily burdened, confidence. He was no longer merely surviving; he was beginning to build.